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	-----Original Message----- 

	From: Teaching Breakfast List on behalf of Greenberg, James ([log in to unmask]) 

	Sent: Tue 1/13/2004 7:59 AM 

	To: [log in to unmask] 

	Cc: 

	Subject: Higher Education's Changing Environment - Teaching Breakfast Posting by Jim Greenberg (a bit long)

	

	



	Folks: 



	The posting below gives an overview of the history and changing environment 

	of higher education in North America. It is from  Chapter 1: A Current 

	Perspective on Adjunct Teaching, in Success Strategies for Adjunct Faculty 

	by Richard E. Lyons, Faculty Development Associates. Copyright © 2004 

	Pearson Education, Inc. For related titles and support materials, visit 

	their online catalog at www.ablongman.com. Reprinted with permission.  My 

	apologies for the length of this posting.... 





	               Higher Education's Changing Environment 



	Historically, North American colleges and universities have embraced the 

	traditions of the British and German models, including "academic freedom" 

	that has empowered professors to pursue their research interests freely, and 

	the tenure system that has protected instructors' ability to work long term 

	in what many have regarded as an ivory tower immune from external checks and 

	balances.  They established high standards for admission that has focused on 

	applicants' standardized tests scores, high school class rankings, and other 

	"objective" predictors of student success.  The integrity of their practices 

	was regularly confirmed through their own internal reviews, as well as 

	through assessments by their peers at other institutions through the 

	regional and discipline-specific accrediting bodies.  While establishing a 

	culture of quality in the minds of internal stakeholders, many potentially 

	outstanding students came to perceive these practices as rigid and 

	exclusionary, and lacking the support resources to reduce their barriers to 

	admission, they did not try to pursue their educations immediately after 

	high school. 



	Beginning nearly a century ago with John Dewey (1916), an initially small 

	but courageous number of educators challenged the higher education community 

	to extend the full potential of a democratic system by serving a larger 

	share of those within our society. They lobbied extensively to change the 

	goal of admissions "gate-keeping" from one of exclusion to one of inclusion, 

	arguing that colleges should employ a wider range of admissions criteria 

	that did not penalize "late bloomers," those from working-class families, or 

	others who did not meet the "standard."  The first community colleges, which 

	from their infancy largely served marginalized students, were an outgrowth 

	of their efforts.  After the victorious close of World War II, military 

	veterans used the GI Bill to be the first from their families to kick open 

	college and university doors, and in the process, they established 

	themselves as role models for others who had been bypassed by higher 

	education, as well as for their own children.  As the first wave of veterans 

	completed their degrees, they left college and university doors ajar for 

	those empowered through the civil rights movement-minorities, women pursuing 

	nontraditional careers, recent immigrants, and other-to stream through in 

	increasingly large numbers. 



	In recent years, the historical chasm between academia and our mainstream 

	society has eroded markedly.  It is now commonplace for esteemed professors 

	to appear on television news shows to provide perspective in political 

	debates and to discuss other matters of concern to an increasingly informed 

	populace.  In the process, they often promote their latest books, private 

	consulting practices, or latest research projects.  Meanwhile, institutions 

	began to promote their sports teams widely to broaden support among the 

	general population and to attract upscale niche markets to on-campus 

	theatrical and musical productions.  They also developed and promoted more 

	intellectually oriented activities such as professor-accompanied tours of 

	foreign countries and Elderhostel programs.  Each of these initiatives was 

	undertaken, in part, as a strategy for increasing institutional prestige but 

	also to boost student enrollments and to mitigate declining public funding 

	for quality enhancement initiatives. 



	As a college degree has become widely valued as a ticket to upward mobility, 

	enrollments have increased significantly, and must of the mystique of the 

	ivory tower has evaporated.  To meet the demand for courses by those fully 

	employed by day, an increasing number of colleges and universities have 

	expanded their course schedules into evenings and weekends-hours during 

	which many full-time faculty members do not prefer to teach.  Although many 

	institutions have employed a small number of adjunct instructors through the 

	years, as well as some of their staff members (e.g., the college attorney), 

	to teach a few highly specialized courses per term, the expansion of course 

	offerings into nontraditional hours dramatically drove the increased 

	employment of part-time instructors.  Because evening and weekend students 

	are largely part time, a common bond has developed between the "new" 

	students and their adjunct instructors that has fueled further growth in 

	part-time enrollments (Lyons, Kysilka, & Pawlas, 1999). 



	More recently, powerful external stakeholder groups, followed by proactive 

	citizens, have imposed a template of college-as-business-enterprise on 

	higher education.  The increasing number of college presidents hired from 

	outside academia (Basinger, 2002), the growing number of closings and 

	mergers of less profitable institutions (Van Der Werf, 2002), and other 

	factors reinforce this paradigm.  Although significant differences between 

	higher education and business enterprises (Birnbaum, 2000) will always 

	remain, this public perception parallels that imposed on other societal 

	institutions (e.g., health care, organized religion, and philanthropic 

	organizations), which historically seemed insulated from society.  As with 

	other entities, the higher-education-as-business-enterprise paradigm invited 

	society's consumer mind-set into academia.  Students, as well as their 

	parents and employers who reimbursed their tuitions, began to demand 

	increased value from their investments, and most institutions installed 

	student ratings of faculty and courses.  Since student ratings have an 

	especially significant impact on adjunct instructors, they will be addressed 

	in greater detail in Chapter 13. 



	Once reserved for instructional decision makers, student ratings information 

	has become increasingly more widely disseminated, in both official and 

	unofficial print versions, and more recently online to increasingly 

	technology-savvy student-consumers.  For a number of years, U.S. News and 

	World Report and other have published highly popular guides that rank 

	institutions and their faculty members initially resisted consumer-driven 

	incursions into their cultures, an increasing number now embrace such 

	comparative evaluations for their own benefit.  One need not look far to see 

	U.S. News' ratings featured in institutions' print and online marketing 

	efforts, with the objective of differentiating their "product" from those of 

	others in the increasingly competitive higher education marketplace. 



	Over the past few years, for-profit institutions have begun to have a 

	dramatic effect on the delivery of higher education.  Employing a "skimming" 

	strategy, they typically target the most lucrative market segment-the 

	increasing number of bright working professionals who are older than 

	traditional students and who are willing to juggle an array of 

	responsibilities as they pursue degrees in highly popular disciplines such 

	as business, technology, and health care.  They more successful for-profit 

	institutions have developed "campuses" in suburban office parks, where they 

	offer classes, often in an accelerated format that students interested in 

	rapid achievement perceive as more convenient and manageable. Courses of the 

	for-profits are typically highly standardized and display few gaps or 

	overlaps in content from one course in each curriculum to the next-thus 

	reducing the instructor's preparation time and achieving other productivity 

	gains. 



	Classes at the for-profits are facilitated overwhelmingly by adjunct 

	professors, most employed full time in their areas of specialization, a 

	factor that most of their student-client view as an advantage over 

	traditional institutions.  The for-profits typically invest heavily in 

	developing the instructional skills of their part-time instructors, unlike 

	many traditional institutions, which often play down their numbers of 

	adjunct faculty members, and have been very slow to invest in the 

	development of their teaching and classroom management skills.  Students at 

	for-profits typically expect their courses to mirror the fields in which 

	they work or aspire to work more closely than courses at traditional 

	institutions do. Learning from instructors who were "on the firing line" 

	earlier in the day helps fulfill that expectation.  Because of the high 

	regard in which they are held, ongoing professional development, and nature 

	of the students, many adjunct instructors have come to prefer the 

	environment of the for-profits to that of traditional institutions (Lyons, 

	McIntosh, & Kysilka, 2003). 



	The success of the highly competitive for-profits, especially measured by 

	student enrollment in the most popular degree programs, has been nothing 

	short of phenomenal (Borrego, 2001).  Many traditional institutions have 

	benchmarked their marketing and course delivery strategies, including the 

	employment of highly qualified adjunct faculty.  In addition more than 2,000 

	businesses-largely dissatisfied with the applicability of coursework 

	available to their employees, whose tuition reimbursement represents a 

	significant investment of company resources-have established corporate 

	universities (Meister, 2001).  As the for-profits, corporate universities 

	rely on those most current with the best practices of business (adjunct 

	instructors) to deliver the majority of their courses. 



	As other products and services in the economy have become available 24/7, 

	demand for quality college instruction that can be delivered to time- and 

	place-bound students have also increased.  Many institutions, led by the 

	for-profits, require faculty facilitators. One of the larger for-profits, 

	The University of Phoenix, employs 7,000 adjunct instructors to deliver its 

	online courses alone, and has expanded the number of students it served by 

	tenfold over the past five years (Olsen, 2002). 



	Prodded by their constituents armed with data on such wasteful practices as 

	high dropout rates in expensive programs and excessive credit hours 

	accumulated by students (Lovitts and Nelson, 2000), state legislators and 

	institutional boards of trustees are being increasingly asked to justify 

	tuition increases, to provide more effectively taught classes and more 

	comprehensive student supports services, and to improve articulation 

	practices between institutions (Ewell & Jones, 1994).  The legislatures of 

	more than thirty states have implemented significant accountability 

	measures, including "performance-based budgeting," into their public higher 

	education systems (Schmidt, 2002).  More recently, the Federal Department of 

	Education has begun demanding that colleges and universities whose students 

	draw federally supported financial aid retain and graduate students in a 

	more effective and timely fashion with the tacit message being that their 

	eligibility to continue awarding student financial aid hinges on their 

	improving their performance (Burd, 2002).  Although varied in their 

	approaches, the measured mandated by state governments tend to focus on the 

	following objectives: 



	1. Increasing accessibility to higher education to all citizens who can 

	benefit from it, as a strategy for expanding the tax base and reducing the 

	costs of social services (Waller, et al., 2000) 

	2. Improving productivity by limiting students' accumulation of excessive 

	credit hours, through more effective advising and "seamless" articulation 

	between institutions and though improving student retention, graduation, and 

	placement rates (Selingo, 2001) 

	3. Dovetailing higher education funding and review processes with states 

	economic development objectives, especially workforce development (Schmidt 

	2001) 

	4. Deregulating public higher education by strengthening consumer 

	information bout factors of institutional performance (Wellman, 2001) 



	Among private colleges and universities, members of the boards of trustees, 

	especially those with business backgrounds, have become more active in their 

	institutions' decision making, with the objective of promoting standards of 

	accountability for their alumni, benefactors, parents, and other 

	stakeholders.  Increasingly, private colleges and universities are 

	scrutinizing investments of institutional resources that were once 

	rubber-stamped.  In their increasingly visible roles, trustees seek to 

	ensure the achievement of their institutions' widely communicated missions 

	and to reinforce their institutions' image among their especially demanding 

	stakeholders (Ehrenberg, 2000). 



	Lastly, the regional accrediting associations-the entities that confirm 

	overall institutional quality-have ratcheted up their role. With so much 

	riding on the results (e.g., students' ability to get financial aid to pay 

	rising tuition costs, students' ability to transfer credits earned to other 

	accredited institutions, and institutional prestige, among others), 

	accreditation processes are instituting an array of changes to foster 

	institutional effectiveness and accountability.  These include a shift in 

	primary focus from "inputs" and "must statements" relative to educational 

	processes such as the academic preparation of professors, number of 

	resources in campus libraries, and so on toward a focus on student outcomes 

	and related indicators of quality within their specific missions.  The 

	accrediting associations are thus playing perhaps the leading role in e 

	defining institutional effectiveness (Eaton, 2001) and are therefore 

	examining more closely than before institutions' policies toward employment 

	and development of their adjunct faculty members. 



	The widening circle of external stakeholders in higher education appear 

	fully committed to win out over traditionalists who seek to hold on to those 

	arcane practices that appear to benefit only those on the inside.  In the 

	process, we are likely to see a reduction in the bifurcation between full- 

	and part-time faculty that has historically plagued many colleges and 

	universities and contributed to so much angst for part-timers (Gappa & 

	Leslie, 1993).   



	References 



	Burd, S. (2002). "Accountability or Meddling?" Chronicle of Higher 

	Education, 49, no.4 (September 20), pp. A23-25. 

	Dewey, J. (1916). Democracy and Education.  New York: Macmillan. 

	Eaton, J. (2001). "Regional Accreditation Reform." Change, 33, no.2, pp. 

	38-45. 

	Ehrenberg, R. G. (2000). "Private College Trustees Must Control Costs." 

	Chronicle of Higher Education, 47, no.5 (September 29), p. B14. 

	Ewell, P.T. & D.P. Jones (1994). "Pointing the Way: Indicators as Policy 

	Tools in Higher Education." In S.S. Ruppert, ed., Charting Higher Education 

	Accountability: A Sourcebook on State-Level Performance Indicators. Denver: 

	Education Commission of the States. 

	Gappa, J. & D. Leslie (!993).  The Invisible Faculty. San Francisco: 

	Jossey-Bass. 

	Lovitts, B. & C. Nelson (2000). "The Hidden Crisis in Graduate Education: 

	Attrition from Ph.D. Programs." Academe, 86, no.6 (November/December), pp. 

	44-50. 

	Lyons, R., M. Kysilka, & G. Pawlas (1999),  The Adjunct Professor's Guide to 

	Success: Surviving and Thriving in the College Classroom.  Boston: Allyn & 

	Bacon. 

	Lyons, R., M. McIntosh, & M. Kysilka (2003). Teaching College in an Age of 

	Accountability.  Boston: Allyn & Bacon. 

	Olsen, F. (2002). "Pheonix Rises." Chronicle of Higher Education, 49, no.10 

	(November 1), pp. A29-31. 

	Schmidt, P. (2002). "Most States Tie Aid to Performance, Despite Little 

	Proof that It Works." Chronicle of Higher Education, 48, no.24 (February 

	22), pp. A20-21. 

	Schmidt, P. (2001). "State Higher-Education Leaders What to See Improvements 

	in Job Training." Chronicle of Higher Education, online daily news (August 

	1). 

	Selingo, J. (2001). "Pennsylvania Rewards Fast Graduation, but Public 

	Colleges Cry Foul." Chronicle of Higher Education, online daily news (August 

	3), http://www.chronicle.com/daily/2001/08/2001080301n.htm. 

	Van der Werf, M. (2002). "Many Colleges will Close or Merge, Standard & 

	Poor's Predicts." Chronicle of Higher Education, 49, no.16, p. 34. 

	Waller, C., R. Coble, J. Scharer, and S. Giamportone (2000). Governance and 

	Coordination of Public Higher Education in All 50 States.  Raleigh, NC: 

	North Carolina Center for Public Policy Research. 

	Wellman, J. (2001). "Assessing State Accountability Systems." Change, 33, 

	no.2, pp. 46-52 




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